This may encourage greater educational and professional investments down the line – of course, only if coupled with a gradually improving macroeconomic and political environment. “Burgu ështe për burra” is a long-used Albanian expression, and it’s also not far from the truth today when male relatives or husbands wind up behind bars with little family commotion or shock. At the very minimum, this norm weakening would open the doors to a wider range of possible male social roles, creating a society with less domestic limitations for both genders. It is not hard to imagine men who may value their parenting roles to a great extent and may like to primarily invest in this dimension of their lives.

The gjuha letrare seems to be a widely accepted standard and probably will survive the current turmoil. The Albanologist Maximilian Lambertz (1882–1963) preferred a connection with the Albanian shqipe or shqiponjë (“eagle”), which is the symbol of Albania. The latter explanation may, however, simply be a folk etymology or constitute the reason why Albanians identify themselves with the eagle. This article is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence.

Meager employment prospects, weaker educational investments, and a normalized trend of illegal activity have also unfairly labeled Albanian men as criminals and thugs across Western societies and media, further limiting their potential as international workers and professionals. These combinations of hegemonic masculinity, ranging from light social conventions to heavy transgressions, may also discourage optimal education and career outcomes for Albanian men – even when most institutions and cultural norms favor their public success. In Albania, the male unemployment ratestood at 17.6 percent in 2013, in contrast to the much lower 13.8 percent female unemployment rate. Were such gender expectations to be erased, Albanian men would face stronger social opposition to violence and illegal activity and less social pressure to make quick fortunes via shadowy, risky routes.

Marriage, Family, And Kinship

This is hardly surprising given that in the thousands of years of human history, women’s subservient roles have been engraved in early legal codes, mythologicallegacies, holy texts, and even modern-day institutionswith their implicit gender norms. Hegemonic masculinity enforces a half-reality, obscuring women’s perspectives.

As little is known about the Illyrians and there are no historical records referring to the existence of the Albanian people during the first millennium C . Albanians entered postclassical recorded history in the second half of the eleventh century, and only in this age can one speak with any degree of certainty about the Albanian people as they are known today. In his History written in 1079–1080, the Byzantine historian Michael Attaleiates was the first to refer to the Albanoi as having taken part in a revolt against Constantinople in 1043 and to the Arbanitai as subjects of the duke of Dyrrachium. Similarly, the historian John Scylitzes refers (ca. 1081) to the Arbanites as forming part of the troops assembled in Durrës by Nicephorus Basilacius. It can be assumed that the Albanians began expanding from their mountain homeland in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, initially taking possession of the northern and central coastline and by the thirteenth century spreading southward toward what are now southern Albania and western Macedonia.

I eagerly wait the day when Albanian men begin to speak up against their own gendered limitations, expressing the facets of hegemonic masculinity that they most wish to do away with and why. Until then, these limitations will always be discussed within predominantly women’s perspectives and issues in feminist analysis. If accepted and enforced by more Albanian men and women alike, feminist principles would act to demolish the limitations of hegemonic masculinity for the individual and allow for a wider and more genuine expression of personality traits and social preferences.

It is estimated that a considerable proportion of Albanians were assimilated by the time of the Turkish invasion; in other words, the Albanians had been largely marginalized in their own country. Only during the Ottoman period did they began to settle in towns and acquire some of the characteristics of a nation rather than those of nomadic tribes.

For the large number of Albanian men who aspire to excel in higher education and professional settings, encouragement is lacking. While young women are praised for their dedication to their studies at early ages, young men are often ridiculed for their intense study habits or dedication to education. Why study hard and eventually worry about finding a normal job when you can easily find your way into the illegal markets and make quick, big money?

In other words, hegemonic masculinity confines individual male preferences while concurrently hindering women’s social potential. In sum, such forms of masculinity severely restrict the life choices that appear plausible to men and also enforce traits that may be harmful to social relations in general. Despite decades of radical progress, gender inequality still characterizes social realities throughout the globe – of course, with varying scopes.

The regional variants of spoken Albanian differ such that verbal communication between uneducated speakers of different dialects can be difficult. To overcome these problems, a standard literary language, gjuha letrare , was agreed on at an orthography congress in Tirana in late November 1972 and has been in use for the last three decades in virtually all publications and in education throughout Albania, Kosovo, and Macedonia.

Yet if a man wanted to serve as the primary caregiver in a family, for example, due to some naturally occurring or created comparative advantage, he would be forced out of this initial preference by rigid gender roles. Well, not when one considers individual preferences and advantageous traits. In general, men’s discouragement from domestic tasks actively hurts an optimal allocation of resources. Mothers will sometimes indirectly insult their daughter-in-laws by pointing to instances in which their sons have been “forced” to cook, clean, or take care of a child, even if minimally. In Albanian cultures and Albanian-speaking regions, childcare and housework are thus the absolute monopoly of women – with very little progress made in equalization throughout the years.

After all, the social stigma for men is minimal, even when the risk of jail time is imminent. Moreover, the modern woman in Albania now has more years of education on average than her male counterpart.

In the middle of the fourteenth century, they migrated farther south into Greece, initially into Epirus, Thessaly , Acarnania, and Aetolia. By the middle of the fifteenth century, which marks the end of this process of colonization, the Albanians had settled in over half of Greece in such great numbers that in many regions they constituted the majority of the population. Despite these extensive settlements, the Albanians, largely a herding and nomadic people, do not seem to have created any substantial urban centers. There were no noticeable Albanian communities in the cities of the Albanian coast during the Middle Ages. Durrës was inhabited by the Venetians, Greeks, Jews, and Slavs; Shkodra, by the Venetians and Slavs; and Vlorë, by the Byzantine Greeks.

albanian women

This Standard Albanian is based about 80 percent on Tosk dialect forms, reflecting the structure of political power at that time in communist Albania. The subject remains controversial, with northern intellectuals having reopened in recent years the possibility of reviving a literary standard for the Gheg dialect.